The Advancement of Learning
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Chapters
- 1. Introduction 14:26 Free
- 2. Book 1, Chapter 1: (1) In the entrance to the former of these—to clear... 9:09
- 3. Book 1, Chapter 2: (1) And as for the disgraces which learning receivet... 13:20
- 4. Book 1, Chapter 3: (1) Now therefore we come to that third sort of disc... 14:29
- 5. Book 1, Chapter 4: (1) Now I proceed to those errors and vanities which... 17:33
- 6. Book 1, Chapter 5: (1) The first of these is the extreme affecting of t... 10:12
- 7. Book 1, Chapter 6: (1) First, therefore, let us seek the dignity of kno... 11:53
- 8. Book 1, Chapter 7 — Part 1 of 3: (1) As for human proofs, it is so large a field, as... 8:26
- 9. Book 1, Chapter 7 — Part 2 of 3: (7) Antoninus Pius, who succeeded him, was a prince... 8:56
- 10. Book 1, Chapter 7 — Part 3 of 3: (17) Consider further, for tropes of rhetoric, that... 9:06
- 11. Book 1, Chapter 8 — Part 1 of 4: (1) To proceed now from imperial and military virtue... 9:02
- 12. Book 1, Chapter 8 — Part 2 of 4: But the images of men's wits and knowledges remain i... 8:38
- 13. Book 1, Chapter 8 — Part 3 of 4: 9. And because founders of colleges do plant, and fo... 8:22
- 14. Book 1, Chapter 8 — Part 4 of 4: In the handling and undertaking of which work I am n... 1:36
- 15. Book 2, Chapter 1: (1) The parts of human learning have reference to th... 8:08
- 16. Book 2, Chapter 2: (1) For civil history, it is of three kinds; not unf... 14:08
- 17. Book 2, Chapter 3: (1) History ecclesiastical receiveth the same divisi... 4:12
- 18. Book 2, Chapter 4: (1) Poesy is a part of learning in measure of words... 6:24
- 19. Book 2, Chapter 5: (1) The knowledge of man is as the waters, some desc... 5:56
- 20. Book 2, Chapter 6: (1) This science being therefore first placed as a c... 3:49
- 21. Book 2, Chapter 7: (1) Leaving therefore divine philosophy or natural t... 17:17
- 22. Book 2, Chapter 8: (1) Nevertheless, there remaineth yet another part o... 13:42
- 23. Book 2, Chapter 9: (1) We come therefore now to that knowledge whereunt... 7:04
- 24. Book 2, Chapter 10: (1) The knowledge that concerneth man's body is divi... 17:15
- 25. Book 2, Chapter 11: (1) For human knowledge which concerns the mind, it... 5:21
- 26. Book 2, Chapter 12: (1) The knowledge which respecteth the faculties of... 4:11
- 27. Book 2, Chapter 13: (1) Invention is of two kinds much differing—the one... 13:51
- 28. Book 2, Chapter 14: (1) Now we pass unto the arts of judgment, which han... 10:48
- 29. Book 2, Chapter 15: (1) The custody or retaining of knowledge is either... 2:49
- 30. Book 2, Chapter 16: (1) There remaineth the fourth kind of rational know... 6:45
- 31. Book 2, Chapter 17: (1) For the method of tradition, I see it hath moved... 10:45
- 32. Book 2, Chapter 18: (1) Now we descend to that part which concerneth the... 8:29
- 33. Book 2, Chapter 19: (1) There remain two appendices touching the traditi... 6:11
- 34. Book 2, Chapter 20: (1) We proceed now to that knowledge which considere... 12:01
- 35. Book 2, Chapter 21: (1) To resume private or particular good, it falleth... 15:58
- 36. Book 2, Chapter 22 — Part 1 of 3: (1) Now, therefore, that we have spoken of this frui... 8:59
- 37. Book 2, Chapter 22 — Part 2 of 3: (6) Another article of this knowledge is the inquiry... 8:37
- 38. Book 2, Chapter 22 — Part 3 of 3: (14) But there is a kind of culture of the mind that... 7:07
- 39. Book 2, Chapter 23 — Part 1 of 7: (1) Civil knowledge is conversant about a subject wh... 9:39
- 40. Book 2, Chapter 23 — Part 2 of 7: Qui cognoscit in judicio faciem, non bene facit; ist... 9:12
- 41. Book 2, Chapter 23 — Part 3 of 7: (13) Wherein it may appear at the first a new and un... 8:28
- 42. Book 2, Chapter 23 — Part 4 of 7: (22) But to all this part of inquiry the most compen... 9:28
- 43. Book 2, Chapter 23 — Part 5 of 7: (33) Another precept of this knowledge is by all pos... 9:02
- 44. Book 2, Chapter 23 — Part 6 of 7: (40) Another precept of this knowledge is to imitate... 8:24
- 45. Book 2, Chapter 23 — Part 7 of 7: (48) But contrariwise in the governors towards the g... 3:45
- 46. Book 2, Chapter 24: Thus have I concluded this portion of learning touch... 2:32
- 47. Book 2, Chapter 25 — Part 1 of 4: (1) The prerogative of God extendeth as well to the... 8:43
- 48. Book 2, Chapter 25 — Part 2 of 4: (9) Here again I may rather give it in advice than n... 8:23
- 49. Book 2, Chapter 25 — Part 3 of 4: (17) But the two latter points, known to God and unk... 7:57
- 50. Book 2, Chapter 25 — Part 4 of 4: Thus have I made as it were a small globe of the int... 1:24
Read chapter 1
"THE TVVOO Bookes of Francis Bacon. Of the proficience and aduancement of Learning, divine and humane. To the King. At London. Printed for Henrie Tomes, and are to be sould at his shop at Graies Inne Gate in Holborne. 1605." That was the original title-page of the book now in the reader's hand—a living book that led the way to a new world of thought. It was the book in which Bacon, early in the reign of James the First, prepared the way for a full setting forth of his New Organon, or instrument of knowledge.
The Organon of Aristotle was a set of treatises in which Aristotle had written the doctrine of propositions. Study of these treatises was a chief occupation of young men when they passed from school to college, and proceeded from Grammar to Logic, the second of the Seven Sciences. Francis Bacon as a youth of sixteen, at Trinity College, Cambridge, felt the unfruitfulness of this method of search after truth. He was the son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, Queen Elizabeth's Lord Keeper, and was born at York House, in the Strand, on the 22nd of January, 1561. His mother was the Lord Keeper's second wife, one of two sisters, of whom the other married Sir William Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh. Sir Nicholas Bacon had six children by his former marriage, and by his second wife two sons, Antony and Francis, of whom Antony was about two years the elder. The family home was at York Place, and at Gorhambury, near St. Albans, from which town, in its ancient and its modern style, Bacon afterwards took his titles of Verulam and St. Albans.
Antony and Francis Bacon went together to Trinity College, Cambridge, when Antony was fourteen years old and Francis twelve. Francis remained at Cambridge only until his sixteenth year; and Dr. Rawley, his chaplain in after-years, reports of him that "whilst he was commorant in the University, about sixteen years of age (as his lordship hath been pleased to impart unto myself), he first fell into dislike of the philosophy of Aristotle; not for the worthlessness of the author, to whom he would ascribe all high attributes, but for the unfruitfulness of the way, being a philosophy (as his lordship used to say) only strong for disputatious and contentions, but barren of the production of works for the benefit of the life of man; in which mind he continued to his dying day." Bacon was sent as a youth of sixteen to Paris with the ambassador Sir Amyas Paulet, to begin his training for the public service; but his father's death, in February, 1579, before he had completed the provision he was making for his youngest children, obliged him to return to London, and, at the age of eighteen, to settle down at Gray's Inn to the study of law as a profession. He was admitted to the outer bar in June, 1582, and about that time, at the age of twenty-one, wrote a sketch of his conception of a New Organon that should lead man to more fruitful knowledge, in a little Latin tract, which he called "Temporis Partus Maximus" ("The Greatest Birth of Time").
In November, 1584, Bacon took his seat in the House of Commons as member for Melcombe Regis, in Dorsetshire. In October, 1586, he sat for Taunton. He was member afterwards for Liverpool; and he was one of those who petitioned for the speedy execution of Mary Queen of Scots. In October, 1589, he obtained the reversion of the office of Clerk of the Council in the Star Chamber, which was worth ÂŁ1,600 or ÂŁ2,000 a year; but for the succession to this office he had to wait until 1608. It had not yet fallen to him when he wrote his "Two Books of the Advancement of Learning." In the Parliament that met in February, 1593, Bacon sat as member for Middlesex. He raised difficulties of procedure in the way of the grant of a treble subsidy, by just objection to the joining of the Lords with the Commons in a money grant, and a desire to extend the time allowed for payment from three years to six; it was, in fact, extended to four years. The Queen was offended. Francis Bacon and his brother Antony had attached themselves to the young Earl of Essex, who was their friend and patron. The office of Attorney-General became vacant. Essex asked the Queen to appoint Francis Bacon.
The Queen gave the office to Sir Edward Coke, who was already Solicitor-General, and by nine years Bacon's senior. The office of Solicitor-General thus became vacant, and that was sought for Francis Bacon. The Queen, after delay and hesitation, gave it, in November, 1595, to Serjeant Fleming. The Earl of Essex consoled his friend by giving him "a piece of land"—Twickenham Park—which Bacon afterwards sold for £1,800—equal, say, to £12,000 in present buying power. In 1597 Bacon was returned to Parliament as member for Ipswich, and in that year he was hoping to marry the rich widow of Sir William Hatton, Essex helping; but the lady married, in the next year, Sir Edward Coke. It was in 1597 that Bacon published the First Edition of his Essays. That was a little book containing only ten essays in English, with twelve "Meditationes Sacræ," which were essays in Latin on religious subjects. From 1597 onward to the end of his life, Bacon's Essays were subject to continuous addition and revision.
The author's Second Edition, in which the number of the Essays was increased from ten to thirty-eight, did not appear until November or December, 1612, seven years later than these two books on the "Advancement of Learning;" and the final edition of the Essays, in which their number was increased from thirty-eight to fifty-eight, appeared only in 1625; and Bacon died on the 9th of April, 1626. The edition of the Essays published in 1597, under Elizabeth, marked only the beginning of a course of thought that afterwards flowed in one stream with his teachings in philosophy.
In February, 1601, there was the rebellion of Essex. Francis Bacon had separated himself from his patron after giving him advice that was disregarded. Bacon, now Queen's Counsel, not only appeared against his old friend, but with excess of zeal, by which, perhaps, he hoped to win back the Queen's favour, he twice obtruded violent attacks upon Essex when he was not called upon to speak. On the 25th of February, 1601, Essex was beheaded. The genius of Bacon was next employed to justify that act by "A Declaration of the Practices and Treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Essex and his Complices." But James of Scotland, on whose behalf Essex had intervened, came to the throne by the death of Elizabeth on the 24th of March, 1603. Bacon was among the crowd of men who were made knights by James I., and he had to justify himself under the new order of things by writing "Sir Francis Bacon his Apologie in certain Imputations concerning the late Earle of Essex." He was returned to the first Parliament of James I. by Ipswich and St. Albans, and he was confirmed in his office of King's Counsel in August, 1604; but he was not appointed to the office of Solicitor-General when it became vacant in that year.
That was the position of Francis Bacon in 1605, when he published this work, where in his First Book he pointed out the discredits of learning from human defects of the learned, and emptiness of many of the studies chosen, or the way of dealing with them. This came, he said, especially by the mistaking or misplacing of the last or furthest end of knowledge, as if there were sought in it "a couch whereupon to rest a searching and restless spirit; or a terrace for a wandering and variable mind to walk up and down with a fair prospect; or a tower of state for a proud mind to raise itself upon; or a fort or commanding ground for strife and contention; or a shop for profit or sale; and not a rich storehouse for the glory of the Creator and the relief of man's estate." The rest of the First Book was given to an argument upon the Dignity of Learning; and the Second Book, on the Advancement of Learning, is, as Bacon himself described it, "a general and faithful perambulation of learning, with an inquiry what parts thereof lie fresh and waste, and not improved and converted by the industry of man; to the end that such a plot made and recorded to memory may both minister light to any public designation and also serve to excite voluntary endeavours." Bacon makes, by a sort of exhaustive analysis, a ground-plan of all subjects of study, as an intellectual map, helping the right inquirer in his search for the right path. The right path is that by which he has the best chance of adding to the stock of knowledge in the world something worth labouring for; and the true worth is in labour for "the glory of the Creator and the relief of man's estate."
H. M.
THE FIRST BOOK OF FRANCIS BACON; OF THE PROFICIENCE AND ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, DIVINE AND HUMAN.
To the King.
THERE were under the law, excellent King, both daily sacrifices and freewill offerings; the one proceeding upon ordinary observance, the other upon a devout cheerfulness: in like manner there belongeth to kings from their servants both tribute of duty and presents of affection. In the former of these I hope I shall not live to be wanting, according to my most humble duty and the good pleasure of your Majesty's employments: for the latter, I thought it more respective to make choice of some oblation which might rather refer to the propriety and excellency of your individual person, than to the business of your crown and state.
Wherefore, representing your Majesty many times unto my mind, and beholding you not with the inquisitive eye of presumption, to discover that which the Scripture telleth me is inscrutable, but with the observant eye of duty and admiration, leaving aside the other parts of your virtue and fortune, I have been touched—yea, and possessed—with an extreme wonder at those your virtues and faculties, which the philosophers call intellectual; the largeness of your capacity, the faithfulness of your memory, the swiftness of your apprehension, the penetration of your judgment, and the facility and order of your elocution: and I have often thought that of all the persons living that I have known, your Majesty were the best instance to make a man of Plato's opinion, that all knowledge is but remembrance, and that the mind of man by Nature knoweth all things, and hath but her own native and original notions (which by the strangeness and darkness of this tabernacle of the body are sequestered) again revived and restored: such a light of Nature I have observed in your Majesty, and such a readiness to take flame and blaze from the least occasion presented, or the least spark of another's knowledge delivered.
And as the Scripture saith of the wisest king, "That his heart was as the sands of the sea;" which, though it be one of the largest bodies, yet it consisteth of the smallest and finest portions; so hath God given your Majesty a composition of understanding admirable, being able to compass and comprehend the greatest matters, and nevertheless to touch and apprehend the least; whereas it should seem an impossibility in Nature for the same instrument to make itself fit for great and small works. And for your gift of speech, I call to mind what Cornelius Tacitus saith of Augustus Cæsar: Augusto profluens, et quæ principem deceret, eloquentia fuit. For if we note it well, speech that is uttered with labour and difficulty, or speech that savoureth of the affectation of art and precepts, or speech that is framed after the imitation of some pattern of eloquence, though never so excellent; all this hath somewhat servile, and holding of the subject. But your Majesty's manner of speech is, indeed, prince-like, flowing as from a fountain, and yet streaming and branching itself into Nature's order, full of facility and felicity, imitating none, and inimitable by any.
And as in your civil estate there appeareth to be an emulation and contention of your Majesty's virtue with your fortune; a virtuous disposition with a fortunate regiment; a virtuous expectation (when time was) of your greater fortune, with a prosperous possession thereof in the due time; a virtuous observation of the laws of marriage, with most blessed and happy fruit of marriage; a virtuous and most Christian desire of peace, with a fortunate inclination in your neighbour princes thereunto: so likewise in these intellectual matters there seemeth to be no less contention between the excellency of your Majesty's gifts of Nature and the universality and perfection of your learning. For I am well assured that this which I shall say is no amplification at all, but a positive and measured truth; which is, that there hath not been since Christ's time any king or temporal monarch which hath been so learned in all literature and erudition, divine and human.
For let a man seriously and diligently revolve and peruse the succession of the Emperors of Rome, of which Cæsar the Dictator (who lived some years before Christ) and Marcus Antoninus were the best learned, and so descend to the Emperors of Græcia, or of the West, and then to the lines of France, Spain, England, Scotland, and the rest, and he shall find this judgment is truly made. For it seemeth much in a king if, by the compendious extractions of other men's wits and labours, he can take hold of any superficial ornaments and shows of learning, or if he countenance and prefer learning and learned men; but to drink, indeed, of the true fountains of learning—nay, to have such a fountain of learning in himself, in a king, and in a king born—is almost a miracle. And the more, because there is met in your Majesty a rare conjunction, as well of divine and sacred literature as of profane and human; so as your Majesty standeth invested of that triplicity, which in great veneration was ascribed to the ancient Hermes: the power and fortune of a king, the knowledge and illumination of a priest, and the learning and universality of a philosopher.
This propriety inherent and individual attribute in your Majesty deserveth to be expressed not only in the fame and admiration of the present time, nor in the history or tradition of the ages succeeding, but also in some solid work, fixed memorial, and immortal monument, bearing a character or signature both of the power of a king and the difference and perfection of such a king.
Therefore I did conclude with myself that I could not make unto your Majesty a better oblation than of some treatise tending to that end, whereof the sum will consist of these two parts: the former concerning the excellency of learning and knowledge, and the excellency of the merit and true glory in the augmentation and propagation thereof; the latter, what the particular acts and works are which have been embraced and undertaken for the advancement of learning; and again, what defects and undervalues I find in such particular acts: to the end that though I cannot positively or affirmatively advise your Majesty, or propound unto you framed particulars, yet I may excite your princely cogitations to visit the excellent treasure of your own mind, and thence to extract particulars for this purpose agreeable to your magnanimity and wisdom.
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